By John Krige
In 1945, the us was once not just the most powerful fiscal and army strength on the planet; it was once additionally the world's chief in technological know-how and expertise. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the United States. They mobilized political and monetary help to advertise not only America's clinical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly struggle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this try out at medical dominance by means of the usa might be noticeable as a kind of "consensual hegemony," concerning the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this proposal to research a chain of case experiences that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential contributors of the clinical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize medical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations learn. He info U.S. aid for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's examine exhibits how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet turned differently of retaining American management and "making the realm secure for democracy."
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Additional info for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe
89 In short, the scientific and technical relationships between the United States and Britain in the Science and the Marshall Plan 39 framework of the Marshall Plan were to be shaped by the far greater strength of British science compared to that on the Continent, by the government’s commitment to an expanding scientific and technical base, by the absence of a Communist threat, as in France, or of fears of a resurgence of militarism, as in Germany, and by the “special relationship” that existed between the two Anglo-Saxon nations, notably that embodied in the exchange of nuclear information.
While “scientific thought in governmental circles” had been changed by the war—presumably meaning there was greater willingness to invest in science—the ONR also expressed concern about the presence of scientists in “high positions in government” who were “identified with extreme left wing groups in their countries” (an obvious reference to the situation in France). ” Action of this kind would also relieve “one of the most serious problems in the rehabilitation of science in Europe . . the exodus of scientists both young and old” from their native countries in search of better working and living conditions.
The Truman administration, fearing the weight of isolationists in Congress, wanted to decouple a treaty intended essentially for the defense of Western Europe from its regional objectives and show that it was pertinent also to the defense of the North American continent. It was a difficult task, and not only in Congress. 47 The signing of the treaty did not quell disputes between the Europeans and the United States. The first concrete defense plans devised in Washington had the United States effectively abandon Europe at the onset of war.
American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe by John Krige